The Office of Management and Budget is making its feelings known about the Government Accountability Office publicly and in regulations.

Russ Vought, OMB’s director, said yesterday that GAO, like other independent agencies, doesn’t have a place in overseeing the executive branch.

“We are not big fans of GAO. They are a quasi-legislative independent entity. Again, something that shouldn’t exist,” Vought said during a speech at the National Conservatism Conference.

Office of Management and Budget director Russell Vought. (AP Photo/Mariam Zuhaib)

Prior to the speech, OMB also made its stance about GAO clear in its update to Circular A-11, where it specifically called out GAO’s role in oversight.

“Updates guidance regarding the role of GAO as a Legislative Branch agency, whose opinions are non-binding on the Executive Branch and streamlines references to GAO throughout the circular. Fiscal guidelines for the Executive Branch are set by OMB and the Office of Federal Financial Management,” OMB wrote in the changes section of A-11.

GAO pushed back against Vought’s comments at the conference.

“Clearly Russell Vought does not value transparency and accountability. GAO’s mission is to support Congress in carrying out its constitutional responsibilities,” said Gene Dodaro, comptroller general of the United States and head of GAO, in a statement. “During my tenure as Comptroller General alone, GAO’s work has saved taxpayers over $1.2 trillion and resulted in tens of thousands of improvements to how federal programs work.”

GAO has been more aggressively touting its impact on the government over the last several months, especially since some House lawmakers wanted to cut its budget by 50%.

GAO released two blog posts explaining its role and its non-partisan approach to oversight and recommendations. It also highlighted the real-dollar benefits of its efforts.

“In fiscal year 2024, GAO’s work yielded $67.5 billion in financial benefits, a return of about $76 for every dollar invested in GAO. Our average return on investment for the past 6 years is $123 to $1,” GAO wrote in its 2026 budget request.

The Senate restored GAO’s budget for 2026, approving an $812 million budget, which is on par with current spending levels.

New language in Circular A-11

GAO’s budget remains in flux as the House and Senate still need to come to agreement to pass a final bill.

“GAO is a national treasure. Its insights and recommendations, though sometimes hard to hear, are invaluable to improve the efficiency and impact of the federal government. Moreover, it seems to be among the few institutions giving the administration any pushback on its ambitious efforts to expand executive power,” said a former OMB official, who requested anonymity for fear of retribution. “In my experience, Congress has zealously guarded GAO’s independence. I don’t see that today, at least on the Republican side, and that’s unfortunate.”

Along with Vought’s comments, the administration’s cemented its disdain for GAO’s role in A-11.

OMB added language to the new version of the Circular specifically calling out GAO.

For example in the 2025 version, OMB wrote under section 10.11 “What are the responsibilities and functions of GAO”:

“GAO is a Legislative Branch Agency that serves as an investigative arm of the Congress. GAO examines the use of public funds, programs and activities, and provides analyses, options, recommendations, and other assistance to help the Congress make oversight, policy, and funding decisions. GAO opinions are not binding on the Executive Branch. Executive Branch agencies, instead, must adhere to the opinions of the Department of Justice’s Office of Legal Counsel, and are expected to comply with guidance from the OMB in interpreting relevant fiscal laws and administering federal programs.”

In the 2024 version of A-11, OMB wrote in the same section:

“GAO is the investigative arm of the Congress. GAO helps the Congress meet its Constitutional responsibilities and helps improve the performance and accountability of the Federal Government for the American people. GAO examines the use of public funds, evaluates Federal programs and activities, and provides analyses, options, recommendations, and other assistance to help the Congress make effective oversight, policy, and funding decisions. In this context, GAO works to continuously improve the economy, efficiency, and effectiveness of the Federal Government through financial audits, program reviews and evaluations, analyses, legal opinions, investigations, and other services. GAO’s activities are designed to ensure the Executive Branch’s accountability to the Congress under the Constitution and the Government’s accountability to the American people. GAO is dedicated to good government through its commitment to the core values of accountability, integrity, and reliability.”

OMB also changed the requirements in the Anti-Deficiency Act section of A-11.

The 2025 version now says:

“Similarly, agencies should not seek decisions from GAO on appropriations and budgetary matters, either informally or pursuant to 31 U.S.C. § 3529. Rather, agencies should consult their general counsel on such matters, who should reach out to OMB’s Office of General Counsel as needed. In accordance with Executive Order 8248 and section 22, agencies should coordinate with OMB on any correspondence with GAO to ensure policy consistency.”

In the 2024 version, OMB told agencies:

“Under the constitutional doctrine of separation of powers, a legal opinion by a Legislative Branch agency cannot bind the Executive Branch. Nevertheless, if the Government Accountability Office (GAO) finds an agency has committed an ADA violation, the agency must report such violation to the President, the Congress and the Comptroller General in accordance with 31 U.S.C. § 1341 or § 1517(b). The report to the President must contain an explanation as to why the violation was not discovered and previously reported by the agency. If GAO finds that an agency has committed an ADA violation and the agency, in consultation with OMB, does not agree with GAO that a violation has occurred, the agency must still report, and provide a report to the President, the Congress, and the Comptroller General that explains the agency’s position.”

An email to OMB seeking comments on Vought’s speech and A-11 additions was not returned.

Oversight and transparency would be harmed

Chris Mihm, a former managing director for strategic issues at GAO and now an adjunct professor of public administration and international affairs at the Maxwell School of Citizenship and Public Affairs at Syracuse University, said that while there always has been inevitable and worthwhile institutional tensions between OMB and GAO given the respective roles and responsibilities, it was never direct or personal.

“We always respected each other and the objectivity and integrity of the work, even in those cases where we strongly disagreed,” Mihm said in an email to Federal News Network. “Cutting back on GAO would undermine congressional decision making while also hampering Executive Branch operations. The problem now, of course, is GAO is part of a larger story about the unified executive and an across-the-board rejection of independent oversight and transparency. The impoundment issue is another part of that.”

Mihm is referring to GAO’s oversight of OMB’s potential or real violations of the Impoundment Control Act. The audit agency initiated 39 investigations over whether the Trump administration violated the 1974 law.

So far, GAO has found several violations by the White House.

In his speech, Vought said the administration has “dusted off the notion of impoundment.”

“The notion you can spend less than the Congressional appropriation. That is important. That, in and of itself, will make it that we have budgets again that are not ignored. The President’s budget started to be ignored in the 1970s when impoundment largely went away,” Vought said. “Notice it was not called the Impoundment Prevention Act. It was called the Impoundment Control Act. Even then, Congress knew it didn’t have the right to take this power away from the president. We’ve been very clear that yes, we will look opportunities for Congress to vote on rescissions and DOGE cuts.”

Mihm said the continued debate over the power of the purse will be something to continue to watch.

“Individual members of Congress have spoken out but, as on many other issues these days, Congress as an institution seems all too willing to cede its constitutional and historical authority and prerogatives,” he said. “By the way, this is why the selection of the next Comptroller General is so vitally important.”

Dodaro’s 15-year term comes to an end in December. The Comptroller General is nominated by the President and confirmed by the Senate.

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